The Pillars of Good Authority

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Abuse of power is permitted by God and therefore the power is said to be “from God;” not, however, because God permits sin, for this would mean that the sin would be from God. Indeed, evil power is understood to exist by the permission of God because, since God is the author of the authority itself, which should not be thought of as a sin; He is not the approver of its abuse: And since this discussion is specifically about secular authority, it should be known that there are two things which, like two pillars, support good authority and without which no authority is approved: namely, legitimate institution and the moderation of justice. And indeed, legitimate institution revolves around three things: namely, the institutor, the one instituted, and those over whom he is instituted. Regarding the one who institutes, that he have public authority to institute, such as an emperor, a prefect, and the like; regarding the one instituted: that the person be suitable to be adorned with the cingulum [sword-belt, a Roman symbol of authority] of secular power, for example, not a regular cleric but a zealous layman; regarding those over whom it is established: that secular power rule over laymen, not to be placed over the hierarchy of clerics. The moderation of justice, however, is determined by five articles: according to the person, according to the cause, according to the measure, according to the place, and according to the time. According to the person, something is or is not permitted to the secular power: for example, it is permitted to lay hands on a layman if he sins, but not on a cleric. Justice is regulated according to the cause, so that secular, not spiritual, matters are examined by earthly authority. It is regulated according to measure or mode: when every offense is punished with a penalty that is fitting and appropriate to it, so that neither private hatred adds to a sufficient penalty nor private affection diminishes the proper severity. Justice is determined according to place, that is, where it is fitting for judgment to be exercised and honor shown to venerable places: so that in a church no one accused is punished, nor is a fugitive dragged from it to be handed over to corporal punishment. According to the timing: that reverence be shown on sacred and solemn days, so that even those who deserve punishment for their sins may be spared on these days.

-Rufinus the Decretist, Summa Decretorum (c. A.D. 1159)

Under the Paper Clips: Or the New Jacobinism

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This essay was originally composed in May, 2025.

The proper study of the political philosopher is not politics, but polity. Our ways of being in community are at once universal and confined, contingent upon particular historical and cultural conditions and timelessly imbued with an eternal legitimacy. Provided that the foundation is secure, the habitat of political animals will endure numerous alterations, some better and some worse, easily undone or practically impossible to remove. But alas, the foundation has crumbled away, and we dwell not in the proverbial house of cards, but in the wrecked ruins of a civilization far older than our own, tottering above and about us as stone by stone slips into the unrelenting sea.

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“Carlism in the Kingdom of Naples” reviewed by Giovanni di Napoli

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Over on the website Il Regno, Giovanni di Napoli has published an excellent review and summary of an essay by Gianandrea de Antonellis entitled “A Concrete Case: Carlism in the Kingdom of Naples.” Di Napoli’s review translates and highlights some of the major points connecting the political tradition of Spanish Carlism to the historical Kingdom of Naples (the mainland possessions of the Kingdom of Sicily). When the call went out from Rome for the support of the Sicilian Kingdom against the piratical invasion and oppression of loyalists following the “unification of Italy” in 1861, veterans of the armies of the Carlist Wars answered the call. Most notable among them were General José Borjes, who lost his life in the conflict, and General Rafael Tristany, who was fated to die in exile far from his Catalonian homeland. De Antonellis highlights four essential pillars of Carlist ideology that also formed the socio-political basis for the Neapolitan Kingdom.

The first of these is Catholicism, as in Di Napoli’s words, “historically essential to Neapolitan identity.” An understanding of religion not only as a guiding principle for political life, but permeating the soil, illuminating and extending outwards the love of the village, from the countryside, through the great institutions of the political realm, and to the community of peoples bound together by a common Faith. Thus as De Antonellis explains,

Importantly, love for one’s homeland does not compete with the patriotism of others. Nationalism, on the other hand, does create rivalry—French vs. Germans, Northern Italians vs. Neapolitans, etc. True patriotism is different: one who loves their homeland sees a kindred spirit in someone who loves theirs, just like someone who deeply loves their own mother respects others who love theirs.

This intertwining of Patriotism and Religion leads naturally to the upholding of both natural and particular rights, which in turn bolster the rule of law against the vicissitudes of purely positivistic regimes. These three principles of Catholicism, patriotism, and localism (Dios, Patria, and Fueros in Carlist parlance) come together in the active defense of the institutions of Legitimate Government. De Antonellis writes of “two aspects” of Legitimacy, “origin and exercise.” These aspects will undoubtedly be familiar to any disciples of the “Austrian School” of Legitimist thought, referenced by Dr. Zeßner-Spitzenberg as legitima institutio and iustitiæ moderatio: lawful institution and the guiding principle of justice.

I would highly recommend di Napoli’s review and translation of “Carlism in the Kingdom of Naples” to readers of this site, as it touches on elements of the Legitimist tradition that I cannot present with the deserved attention in such a short post. Both the review and the article end with a strong rebuke to those who would renounce the Iberian period of Neapolitan history as a sterile backwater devoid of cultural value. On the contrary, the period of Viceroyalty, though troubled in many ways, was a period of great cultural dynamism and advancement, not least in the political tradition that one can rightfully call the crowning achievement of the Western World.

Legitimacy and Revolutionism: Part II

By Orestes A. Brownson

As found in The Works of Orestes A. Brownson, edited by Henry F. Brownson. Originally published in Brownson’s Quarterly Review in October 1848 as a single article, it has been here split into two parts for the reader’s convenience. Read Part I here.

The conservative doctrine which we have contended for, and which does not happen to please some of our readers, follows necessarily from this doctrine of the divine origin and right of government. No one particular form of government exists by divine right for every people, but every form so exists for the particular nation of which it is the established order. The established order, the constitution of the state, which God in his providence has given to a particular people, which is coeval with that people, has grown up with it, and is identified with its whole public life, is the legitimate order, the legal constitution, and therefore sacred and inviolable. If sacred and inviolable, it must be preserved, and no changes or innovations under the name of progress or reform, that would abolish or essentially alter it, or that would in any degree impair its free, vigorous, and healthy action, can be tolerated.

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Legitimacy and Revolutionism: Part I

By Orestes A. Brownson

As found in The Works of Orestes A. Brownson, edited by Henry F. Brownson. Originally published in Brownson’s Quarterly Review in October 1848 as a single article, it has been here split into two parts for the reader’s convenience. Read Part II here.

We take, in our political essays, unwearied pains to make ourselves understood, and to guard against being misapprehended; but, through our own fault or that of our readers, our success has rarely corresponded to our efforts. On all sides, from all quarters, we are charged with being hostile to liberty and favorable to despotism, — the enemy of the people, and the friend of their oppressors. We could smile at this ridiculous charge, were it not that some honest souls are found who appear to believe it, and some moon-struck scribblers make it the occasion of exciting unjust prejudices against our friends, and of placing them, as well as ourselves, in a false position before the public. Injustice to us personally is of no moment, and demands of us no attention; but when, owing to our peculiar position, it can hardly fail to work injustice to others, we are bound to notice and to repel it.

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New Essay at The European Conservative: “The Forgotten European”

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My essay “The Forgotten European: Hermann Platz’s Vision for Peace” was recently published by The European Conservative. Here’s an excerpt from the introduction:

In this day and age, when the alarms of war are once again sounding their mournful message of death—when the postwar vision of a peaceful and united Europe seems as distant as the utopian hopes surrounding the first League of Nations—it might seem strange to write about an obscure German professor of Romance Languages who never held a significant public office until the last few weeks before his death. Hermann Platz was a humble man of grand ideas, yet he never lived to see even the first inklings of his plans unfold, as he died after a botched throat operation. His name has been consigned to the most obscure corner of academic history, forgotten by most of the people whose lives were shaped by his vision. Yet his message of unity and peace founded on man’s supernatural calling endures even today.

Read the whole essay here: https://europeanconservative.com/articles/essay/the-forgotten-european-hermann-platzs-vision-for-peace/

“It happens to Peoples as well as to Individuals” – Il Guelfo: Journal of Independence for the Mezzogiorno, August 2, 1910

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By Nicolà Montalbò

Translated by M.T. Scarince 

It happens to peoples as well as to individuals… 

When by the influence of malicious agent one has fallen into a state of torpor, atrophy, and despondency, which makes one rebellious against every noble and generous initiative –apathetic and indifferent to everything around– and lose knowledge of one’s state, in no condition to distinguish the true from the false, the good from the evil, it sometimes happens that, for one reason or another, by some intrinsic or extrinsic force a certain shock takes place in the organism. Then the torpor comes to an end and a remarkable reaction overtakes the individual. Excitement succeeds atrophy, lethargy is replaced by impulsiveness, indeed, insomnia. And if during the period of organic numbness, the feelings of honor and self-esteem have not been totally lost the waking individual feels horror of himself and the life he has lived to that point, and gives himself to repairing his past.

Thus it is with peoples: In a moment of unconsciousness or under the nightmare of deceptive mirages, a people can fall into a lethargic state and become prey to the first daring and reckless rogue who happens to know how to take advantage of a state of daze or torpor, to impose a heavy yoke on them, to dishearten and debase them, to crush with the iron foot every vestige of freedom and stifle every cry for independence. As long as the lethargic state lasts and atony invades the fibers of the organism of that people, the rogues succeed: the pain of wounds is not felt nor the shame of vituperation. But if the awakening takes place, if the fibers are shaken and the nerves shudder, the people regain consciousness of themselves and their worth, raise their heads, shake off the yoke, invoke their rights, claim their freedoms, drive out the rogues, reclaim their independence, return to those who are the highest expression of this independence, its brightest symbols; invoke those who with freedom and independence can restore their peace, prosperity, and splendor.

Such is the state of our people today: this our Mezzogiorno of Italy, which is awakening from its long torpor and is regaining awareness of its value, of its rights.

In vain do professional enchanters resort to their arts, their spells, to put him to sleep once again; in vain they prepare new soporifics for him with rejoicings and commemorative parties, with madness and revelry, with lying and deceitful re-enactments.

It’s worse: their cacophony hurts him, increases the tension of his nerves, produces new shocks, new abhorrence of the current state of things: the present is there, before his eyes, in all its horror; the past is placed before his mind in all its enticements, in its radiant brightness of all the goods, of all the riches, of all the happiness that the Glorious Dynasty of Charles III brought to our lands.

From this dynasty, which for one hundred and twenty-six years made the joys and sorrows of the southern people of Italy its own and gave it all of itself, is the worthy heir and descendant His Excellency the Count of Caserta Don Alfonso Maria of Bourbon, for whom August 2 marks his Name Day.

Not with the fluttering of flags unfurled in the wind, nor with cannon shots echoing over the sea of Parthenope and along the valleys and slopes of burning Vesuvio, nor in the thousand little flames seen from the windows and balconies of the homes of our Naples but in the hearts the people of the South we celebrate this day.  

This is a celebration entirely of sentiment, respectful love, profound devotion, dear memories, and immense admiration for the sublime civil and military virtues, for the excellent qualities of mind and heart that adorn the person of the august Head of the Royal House of Naples. This celebration today and our best wishes for his health and for his happiness come from our hearts. Our thoughts fly to him, mindful of a past of homeland glories and greatness, and on him, on his Royal Consort, on the entire Royal Family we implore blessings and favors from God and the cessation of the evils that afflict our native land.

New Essay at New Polity: “Pagan Laws and the People of God”

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New Polity: A Journal of Postliberal Thought recently published my essay “Pagan Laws and the People of God.” Here is an excerpt from the introduction, you can read the whole essay by purchasing the issue or subscribing to the journal here.

The dawn that dispelled the horrendous night that morn
Was not a Sabbath of rest but a Saturnalia of sorrow
The impious demon rejoiced in seeing the breach of peace between brothers
There never was greater slaughter, nor field so full of war
The laws of Christendom are turned into a rain of blood.
Thus the gluttony of Cerberus pleases the infernal powers.

Angelbert, Versus de bella que fuit acta Fontaneto

These poignant verses describe the aftermath of the Battle of Fontenoy, a decisive moment in the fratricidal war between the three grandsons of Charlemagne. In the eyes of the Frankish poet, the order of the Lex Christianorum—the reign of peace—had given way to the old blood-soaked anarchy of paganism; the divinely instituted leisure of the Sabbath had yielded to a Saturnalia of debauchery. These verses could equally well describe the situation of Catholics in the modern administrative state, a model of state which has come to dominate the political life of many countries. The atrocities of the modern state are without number; for example, in America, until very recently, this form of state sanctioned at its highest levels the mass destruction of innocents in the womb. A growing school of postliberal “juridical thinkers” blame our moral and spiritual decay on the refusal to ground our law in the “Classical Legal Tradition.” They claim that the basic apparatus of the modern state is merely abused; politicians educated in the tradition of classical legal thought can and should adopt “the apparatus of the administrative state” to successfully adapt and adjust “broad positive instruments to changing social, economic, and technological circumstances.” This claim (and the booming juristic community that has rallied around it) lacks any sense of the traditional perspective which pits Catholic society and the Western European tradition of governance against the depredations of the pagan civilizations that it converted and conquered. From this perspective, the modern administrative state has revived the despotism of the pagans.

The full essay can be found in the print issue of New Polity Volume 4 Issue 3

The Last World Emperor: A Review of Charles V by Dr. Otto von Habsburg

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Otto von Habsburg, Charles V, trans. Michael Ross (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1970)

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Born on the eve of the cultural and political upheaval of the sixteenth century, Charles V inherited a vast and wide-reigning authority as King of Spain and Holy Roman Emperor that few men in history have ever rivaled. Dr. Otto von Habsburg, a descendant of Charles and heir of the last Habsburg emperor, prefaces his renowned ancestor’s 1967 biography by stating “later centuries were incapable of grasping Charles V’s conception of the world.” Nevertheless, Habsburg argues that challenges facing Europe in the present day are similar enough to the cultural revolution of the sixteenth century that “Charles V, once regarded as the last fighter in a rearguard action, is suddenly seen to have a been a forerunner.” Throughout the book he explores the relevance of the deeply Catholic and chivalric vision of Christendom that motivated Charles’ reign. It might seem easy to accuse the author of a favorable bias towards his subject, an accusation from which the book is not entirely immune. However, such an accusation ignores the real awareness of Charles’s vision that Habsburg gains from his concrete understanding of his own familial tradition. Otto von Habsburg’s Charles V offers a brilliant insight into the world and worldview of the history-shaping emperor, yet its lack of primary source citations and heavy reliance on secondary sources render it more of an introduction to its subject, and not, as seems to have been intended, an analytic biography.

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Looking to the West: A Brief Study of Tolkien’s Carolingian Heritage

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Halls of Manwe - J.R.R. Tolkien

Upreared from sea to cloud then sheer
a shoreless mountain stood;
its sides were black from the sullen tide
up to its smoking hood, 
but its spire was lit with a living fire
that ever rose and fell:
tall as a column in High Heaven’s hall,
its roots were deep as Hell;
grounded in chasms the waters drowned
and swallowed long ago
it stands, I guess, on the foundered land
where the kings of kings lie low

-J. R.R. Tolkien, Imram (The Death of St. Brendan) 

Each of the subcreative works of J.R.R. Tolkien displays a careful and thoughtful attention to the cultures and civilizations which populate his secondary reality. He drew deep and rich realities from the history of the Primary World and studying his invented histories can illuminate both philosophical and macro-historical themes with which Tolkien engaged. In particular, investigating Tolkien’s use of the West as a civilizational concept in his novel The Lord of the Rings, written between 1937 and 1954, reveals his appropriation of the Carolingian heritage of Europe, which transformed the work from what was originally intended as a “mythology for England” into what Bradley Birzer calls “a myth for the restoration of Christendom itself.” This appropriation was controversial, especially during the Second World War when the National Socialists in Germany attempted to usurp this European heritage for themselves. A close reading of The Lord of the Rings reveals the parallels between Tolkien’s restored Kingdom of the West and the Carolingian Holy Empire, the West as a source of spiritual renewal, and Tolkien’s defense of Western mythology against the Nazi usurpation of the European tradition.

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